Download A Vision for London, 1889-1914: labour, everyday life and by Susan D. Pennybacker PDF

By Susan D. Pennybacker

The e-book checks the imaginative and prescient of the early London County Council (LCC) and of its leaders, the London Progressives, opposed to its guidelines and achievements. It files struggles to alter social and exertions stipulations, to persuade public tradition and to rent aspiring younger visionaries--both males and women--into white collar jobs. This heritage has left its mark at the current London political situation--central London executive has been abolished and once more many Londoners are looking to recreate it. either the achievements and the disillusions fostered long ago nonetheless effect the current London hindrance. Attitudes formed by way of bureacracy and the issues of vested pursuits nonetheless live to tell the tale.

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Extra resources for A Vision for London, 1889-1914: labour, everyday life and the LCC experiment

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The sought-after standard of living was for most young men unreachable; they were forced to live in lesser circumstances than those which they had dreamed of. They faced restricted mobility on a labour market that allowed only a small number of young men from conventional working class backgrounds to rise within it before the First World War. 67 This is the context in which the LCC became a premier employer of men’s white collar labour in London. 68 The ways of life 35 Why did a young man not choose to struggle in one of the higher-status professions rather than set his sights on a local government job?

The expansion of boy labour, the introduction of women’s work and the hiring of temporary assistants were all attempts to remedy these problems. Those who were fortunate enough to be hired into the ‘classified staff’ were arranged within a hierarchy which approximated that of the Civil Service. There were four classes through which a man might progress over twenty years. He earned eighty pounds a year at the outset, and, if promoted, could retire from a position paying £300 a year. The policy was to recognise ‘exceptional ability’ through ‘rapid promotion’.

85 The pyramid structure of incomes was skewed in London by the concentrations of wealth, the absence of heavy industry and the burgeoning service sectors. Even in 1913, the top tenth of the English population in terms of yearly income wielded control of fully half of the national income, and more than half of British investments of capital were now made overseas. 87 Of equal importance to the argument made here is the political fact that it was not meant to do so. The political climate in which LCC Progressivism grew was one dictated by these economic relationships in at least one very functional and immediate respect: the persistence of an amended property franchise.

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